Kuyper fought for a national system of free schools for the entirety of his public life. He firmly believed that free schools were the best way to serve all parents, not just Christian parents because “it was best for all children to experience a unity of world view and values between school and home” (361). In 1917, his Antirevolutionary Party won a great victory. “As a culmination of these efforts, the Dutch constitution was amended to guarantee this right, and in 1920, the year Kuyper died, a new education bill was passed which put that amendment into practice” (xii). Although Kuyper made three substantial, albeit pragmatic, compromises to his ideal, he believed they were ultimately successful since compromise is always necessary when working in an imperfect political system. Nevertheless, while their own struggle culminated in a victory for free schools, Kuyper also recognized that the “struggle of the spirits” behind the struggle of the schools was far from over. 

Well-known for the doctrine of “sphere sovereignty, ” Abraham Kuyper once famously declared: “no single piece of our mental world is to be hermetically sealed off from the rest, and there is not a square inch in the whole domain of our human existence over which Christ, who is Sovereign over all, does not cry: “Mine!”[1] Kuyper is also notable for delivering the 1898 Stone Lectures at Princeton’s Theological Seminary in which he offered a profound and lasting treatment of Calvinism which remains relevant to us who are living in the postmodern era. But it is his significant work of educational reform in the Netherlands spanning nearly fifty years (1869-1917) that features in On Education.
On Education is a substantive anthology of Kuyper’s thoughts on Christian education, published as part of a twelve volume series of Kuyper’s works, produced by the Abraham Kuyper Translation Society, the Acton Institute, and Kuyper College. And it is precisely because of Kuyper’s “unique gifts, experiences, and writings” on Christianity and education that On Education is more than just a helpful resource; it is a uniquely prescient guide for everyone concerned with the education crisis plaguing twenty-first century North America (vii).
The volume is divided into four parts, tracing Kuyper’s involvement with the Netherlands’ seventy-year political battle over parents’ rights to choose schools representative of their religious convictions. Part One introduces the beginnings of the struggle: in 1868, the Society for the Common Good issued a manifesto stating what it perceived was a need to protect its gains of having achieved “the religious neutrality of the public school;” Kuyper responded that his party was not attempting to take back the Society’s perceived gains but, instead, to “make it possible for more children to receive the religious education desired by their parents” (9). This section further treats Kuyper’s grave concern about Dutch public schools “teaching the immortality of the soul,” something he contends is not “safe in the hands of the state school teachers” (22).
Part Two consists of four chapters dedicated to Kuyper’s antirevolutionary vision of sphere sovereignty which, when properly applied, would protect Christian schools from the revolutionary spirit of “false mingling,” whereby the state “sought to mix together precisely what God had separated” (53). Kuyper argued that it is only by properly distinguishing between the boundaries and bonds ordained by God that Christians can keep their schools from falling prey to the state and resist those secularists who would use the public trough to take away their freedom to preach Christ.
Part Three consists of six chapters of parliamentary addresses, journalistic articles, public speeches, and theological writings that address Kuyper’s pluralistic program for national education. At the time, the Netherlands was a nation that consisted in near equal measure of Rationalists, Calvinists, and Roman Catholics. In short, it was Kuyper’s position that, “The state may not use its supremacy to favor one part of the nation over another. All spiritual compulsion by the state is an affront to the honor of the spiritual life and, as an offense to civil liberty, is hateful and abominable” (xi).
Finally, Part Four consists of five chapters that treat Kuyper’s appeal to the public conscience, his concern for the injustice done to the poor of the nation, the political struggle, and ultimate victory—albeit a compromised victory. Kuyper sought a political policy of “principled structural pluralism”(xlii). And his Antirevolutionary Party “worked diligently to establish the right of all parents to provide their children with a quality education in accordance with their deepest convictions and values” (xii). Directed by his motto, “Free schools the norm, state schools a supplement,” (361) and by the foundational Christian principles of “freedom of conscience, equal treatment of religion under the law, and the place of schools within civil society” (365), Kuyper fought for a national system of free schools for the entirety of his public life.
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Written by Bruce A. Little |
Saturday, September 28, 2024
Like many young people I did not make the most of what was offered, but that was my fault. At that that time, nobody told me I should be ashamed of my whiteness or if I wanted to become a girl I could. We believed good and evil were objective categories. No one suggested that I deserved anything I had not worked for—well except for my birthday and Christmas, which were such special times. I was not told that my country was evil, and I learned that my happiness was not the first virtue in life.

The memories of my childhood in Nobleboro, Maine (mid coast) are a source of immeasurable delight. Life was not perfect, but it was good. My parents were part of what Tom Brokaw celebrated as “The Greatest Generation.” After World War II (my father fought in the Pacific), my parents settled in “the valley” when I was three years old and eventually started a small dairy farm where we worked alongside adults in the fields and in the barn. That provided the context for the next 15 years of my life. It was a wonderful life which I shared with my brother, who was three years my elder (a hero in the Vietnam war). When we were working on the farm, we spent hours playing outside using our imagination to make up worlds that allowed us to pretend to be adults. Spring and early summer evenings would find us playing baseball with neighborhood children until it was so dark you couldn’t see the ball. In the winter, wonderful hours were spent with the same children sliding down Reed hill where road conditions (early on it was a dirt road) and traffic volume were different in those days, so I do not suggest anyone try it today. It was a simple or should I say an uncomplicated life. Life was ordered according to the rhythms of nature where each season brought something different and enjoyable. Although I never liked weeding the garden, when the harvest was gathered in the fall it gave a wonderful sense of security. We were prepared for the winter. It is true we did not have all the electronic gadgets of today but as time has proven, all of that would not have made us better or happier.
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Many of these men and organizations regularly call the church to repentance. This would be a proper time to perhaps lead by example.

It is now a matter of public record that former National Institute of Health director Francis Collins either presided over, ordered, funded, or indirectly participated in the following during his tenure:

Record-level spending on scientific experimentation performed on fetuses obtained from abortions
University of Pittsburgh experiment that, among other things, grafted infant scalps onto lab rats
Experiments on the harvested organs of aborted, full-term babies
Endorsement of unrestricted funding of embryonic stem cell research
Policies that exchanged merit-based grants for those partially determined by left-wing “diversity, equity, and inclusion” exams
Millions of dollars in taxpayer grants spent on transgender research on minors
Opposite-sex hormone treatments given to children as young as 8-years-old
Mastectomies performed on girls as young as 13-years-old
Millions of dollars in grants to an app program that tracked teenage boys’ homosexual activities including anal sex, all without parental knowledge

It is also known that Collins personally attended former President Barack Obama’s celebratory signing of an Executive Order to undo a George W. Bush-era ban on scientific experiments done on human embryos, and acquiesced to the reality that the kind of genetic testing he promoted led to increased killing of Down Syndrome babies.

Yet despite this horrific ethical track record that would preclude any rational mind from concluding that these are the life fruits produced by one who possessed the indwelling of the Holy Spirit, the last two years have seen some of the most recognizable, trustworthy names and organizations in American Christianity laud Collins as a trustworthy Christian brother.
Given their prominence and influence, it’s important to name names.

I admire greatly the wisdom, expertise, and, most of all, the Christian humility and grace of Francis Collins.Former ERLC-head Russell Moore

Francis Collins is a national treasure. Thank you for your faithful service.Evangelical writer David French

In Collins, restless genius is other-centered…a life so relentlessly committed to the human good.Evangelical Washington Post columnist Michael Gerson
And a cadre of other well-respected Christian ministers, professors, and teachers happily platformed and promoted Collins as he carried the Biden administration’s COVID messaging uncritically. They directly or indirectly questioned the Christian conscience and love of any believer who didn’t follow a slew of now-factually-suspect-or-debunked guidance, all on the authority of “brother Collins.” This who’s who of evangelicalism included Ed Stetzer, Rick Warren, Tim Keller, NT Wright, and notable Christian publications like The Gospel Coalition, Christianity Today, and the Billy Graham Center.
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